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Across the Border A Discussion with Laura Alfaro, James E. Austin, Alexander Dyck, and Pankaj Ghemawat Stretching from the Rio Grande in northern Mexico to Tierra del Fuego on the southern tip of Argentina, Latin America is a vast collection of countries eager to become lands of opportunity as they go about the business of entering world markets. Recently, four of the HBS scholars who gave presentations at the research conference that formally opened the School's Latin America Research Center in Buenos Aires came together on the Business School campus to share their thoughts and perspectives with Working Knowledge. Professor Austin served as moderator.
Jim Austin: We all have strong research interests in
Latin America, but they're also quite diverse. This is
an opportunity to discuss what we think are a few of
the critical issues facing managers in the countries of
this important region. Laura, your recent work
centers on Brazil, South America's largest economy.
Let's begin our discussion there.
Laura Alfaro: During the fifties and sixties,
Brazil-along with much of Latin America-opted for
industrial policy and import substitution and as a
result experienced a period of considerable growth.
But then a recession hit in the eighties, lasting a
decade or more. During that time, Brazil started a
new liberalization process. In another critical
development, it established the real plan in 1994, a
currency policy that allowed the country to defeat
inflation while it fostered privatization and opened
the economy to the benefits of international trade.
Even though the real was devalued in January 1999,
surprisingly no recession followed in its wake nor
were there aftereffects in other parts of South
America-a situation that helped outsiders understand
that Latin America is not a monolith, but a collection
of very different states and countries.
I would say that growth is the operative word in
much of Latin America. But at the same time,
income inequality and the need to provide more
opportunities for education and the adoption of new
technology are key issues to be dealt with in the new
millennium.
Austin: I agree. In addition, the changing roles of
government and the private sector are an important
part of the picture. Let's focus on that a bit longer
through the lens of your work, Alexander.
Alexander Dyck: I'm interested in large firms that
operate, so to speak, in the shadow of the state-in
particular, companies that supply oil, gas, electricity,
water, and telecommunications. In post-World War
II Latin America, the state dominated these firms as
an owner. Although they're now privatized-first in
Chile in the seventies and picking up pace in the
wake of Argentina's privatization program under
former president Carlos Menem in the early
nineties-the state still looms large in their everyday
business decisions.
My research mainly examines two post-privatization
issues. One is managing within a new regulatory
framework, which tends to be a moving target as it
evolves over time; the second is corporate
governance. The absence of well-functioning
institutions to ensure that investors get something
back for their investments is a problem across the
region. Corporate governance is a concern in large
privatized firms with their many minority
shareholders or unwieldy consortia of initial
investors.
Cases I've written on these matters figure
prominently in my elective course, The New Private
Sector: Managing Privatization, Regulation, and
Deregulation. One of the advantages of studying
Latin America is that it has some of the longest
experience with privatized enterprises, unlike the
United States, which has been almost exclusively
private throughout its history. This allows us to see
some of the larger dynamics at work that may have
implications for other nations.
Pankaj Ghemawat: Your comment about the
shadow the state casts over Latin American business
relates to my current teaching and research on issues
of globalization. Countries with a lot of administrative
interference tend not to be good platforms for going
global. But the pace of change that has swept
through Latin America in areas such as privatization
has been extraordinary, providing rich opportunities
for research. In the last six months, for example, I've
written a case on Embraer, a Brazilian aircraft
manufacturer that has successfully entered the world
marketplace with a top-selling regional jet, and
another case on the most profitable international
cement company in the world, Mexico-based
Cemex. My goal in these and other cases is to get a
better sense of what's happening in the region and
understand what the broader implications are for
issues associated with cross-border integration.
Misconceptions about globalization abound these
days, including suggestions that markets are perfectly
integrated. In fact, if you look at the trade or
investment data, you will find estimates suggesting
that we're less than one-fifth of the way there. Yes,
there has been a rapid increase in cross-border
economic activity in recent decades. Just as clearly,
however, national borders still matter. One of the
things I find particularly interesting about Latin
America is that some of the impediments to
cross-border activity are much more obvious when
one is looking across countries separated by cultural,
administrative, geographic, and economic
differences.
Austin: One of the challenges facing Latin American
enterprises is the relatively high cost of capital. That
is a force that drives a number of companies toward
globalization, since they need to search out sources
of lower-priced funding. However, this gets back to
your comment, Laura, about the diversity of the
region. The cost of capital is high in Venezuela, for
instance, but low in Costa Rica.
Ghemawat: The high cost of capital is clearly one of
the major disadvantages that would-be multinationals
from this area face. And while they display a lot of
creativity in this regard, it continues to dampen their
international expansion in sectors with heavy capital
requirements. In addition, some of the corporate
globalization that's gone on has drastically reduced
liquidity in local capital markets, as firms look
beyond local stock exchanges to meet their needs.
Both Embraer and Cemex, for example, have done
their initial public offerings on the New York Stock
Exchange. What we are seeing, some would say, is
the death of equity markets in Latin America. That
may be a bit of an overstatement, but this trend
certainly doesn't make the challenges for these
companies any easier.
Dyck: Another reason why there's so much
emphasis on cross-listings on foreign exchanges is
that there are no effective corporate or securities
laws in place in a number of Latin American
countries. Under these circumstances, investors
come to the conclusion that either the government or
some other controlling shareholder will take
advantage of them. The decline of equity markets
that Pankaj mentions is not only reflected in
cross-listings; it is also seen in widely held privatized
companies. It turns out that taking a firm private and
creating the dispersed ownership structure that looks
like that of a company in developed markets is not a
sustainable process. In many privatized firms you get
a pattern of consolidation of ownership followed by
outright acquisition, largely by Spanish companies
but by some U.S. firms as well.
Austin: Another point to consider is the role of
foreign direct investment (FDI). That's another one
of your areas of expertise, Laura.
Alfaro: I've been looking at that from a macro point
of view. Countries in Latin America seek out FDI
because it's supposed to provide not only capital but
managerial skills as part of the package when a
factory from a developed nation sets up an
operation. I'm trying to figure out whether FDI
actually brings these so-called externalities along
with funding. It seems clear to me at this point that
foreign direct investment is not a panacea for the ills
that afflict the economies of Latin America; thus, its
well-publicized benefits may be oversold. As
Alexander was saying, there are many things that
countries themselves need to do regarding
infrastructure, legal restrictions, corruption, and so
on.
As part of my research, I'm studying competition
among various states in Brazil that are vying for FDI
support. Among other things, I've looked at several
automakers. Car companies have been eager to go
to Brazil for decades, since it offers such a huge
market-half of South America, one-third of all Latin
America. When the government jump-started the
economy in 1994 with the real plan, competing
Brazilian states offered auto manufacturers "x"
number of years of tax incentives and a certain
amount of money. Subsequently, the deals kept
getting sweeter with more and more incentives.
There are companies now that don't have to pay
taxes for thirty years. Ironically, most of them had
already decided to locate in Brazil regardless of the
additional incentives.
The bottom line is that these circumstances create
problems. The resources that go to the car
companies, after all, compete with those that are
needed for infrastructure, human capital, and a host
of other things that Brazil must pay attention to in
order to be competitive in the global arena.
Ghemawat: My conversations with policymakers in
the region are in sync with these observations.
Among the critical problems they identify is the
limited linkage between FDI and job creation. Some
of the energy companies I've talked to have also
begun to discuss some sort of regulatory backlash if
the promised fruits of a more open economy, foreign
investment, and privatization continue to prove so
illusive. Furthermore, this lack of linkages may not
be an easy problem to solve. Research I've done in
Latin America and other parts of the world suggests
that if you're trying to build an internationally
competitive company in a generally uncompetitive
domestic environment, it's easier to do so with a
strategy that allows you to detach yourself from most
of the negative aspects of the local economy.
Austin: Whether we're talking about airplane
manufacturing in Brazil or Intel's entry into Costa
Rica, a common factor in these types of operations
is the need for a highly educated population.
Enabling workers to improve their knowledge base
and attain higher skill levels has become a source of
competitive advantage in creating viable international
businesses. All this raises questions about where
governments should place their investment priorities.
It may not be in businesses; rather, it may well be in
trying to create the best educational systems. Instead
of funding an army, it might be argued that it's better
to support universal education.
The intersection of social sector investments with
purely economic ones becomes an interesting piece
of the equation when it comes to the dynamics of
Latin American development. Some of the research
I've been doing under the aegis of the School's
Initiative on Social Enterprise relates to this. It
involves strategic alliances in the United States
between corporations and nonprofit organizations-or
as they're referred to in most developing countries,
nongovernmental organizations (NGOs). The
objective is to create an ongoing relationship that will
result in significant benefits for both the corporation
and the NGO, in that combined capabilities generate
more social value than individual entities.
In a project I intend to launch in Latin America, I
want to see to what extent this phenomenon is
replicable within various cultural milieus and different
traditions regarding the roles of government, society,
and the corporate community. This project, along
with others in progress or planned by a number of
other HBS faculty members, is the kind of
comparative research that we hope to do in a
collaborative way with sister institutions in Latin
America.
In closing, let me say that the challenges and
opportunities in the hemisphere are enormous, the
managerial issues, complex. All this makes for an
exciting and important area for the School's research
efforts. With the assistance of the new Latin America
Research Center, we hope to gain many invaluable
insights in the years to come.
Edited by James E. Aisner
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Copyright © 2002 Presidents and Fellows of Harvard College |
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